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LAURA FLANDERS: Hi, I'm Laura Flanders. A year ago, protestors took over a park in Lower Manhattan and sparked encampments across the States. Out of it came a slogan: "We are the 99 percent," and a new meaning to the verb "occupy." But what else? Some say Occupy Wall Street utterly changed their lives. Others say it changed nothing at all. How to assess Occupy Wall Street?

I'm joined by Marina Sitrin, a lawyer and writer who's been following what she calls "horizontal movements" in Europe and Latin America. In fact, her book Everyday Revolutions about Argentina is just out.

Also with me, Arun Gupta, a long-time journalist who's been covering the Occupy movement nationwide. Arun is cofounder of the Indypendent newspaper and website and the newspaper that emerged from last year's protests, The Occupied Wall Street Journal. Welcome to you both.

ARUN GUPTA: Thank you.

LAURA FLANDERS: It's a year on, without going into tremendous detail, what did you see happening in the streets a year after the protests?

MARINA SITRIN: So just the last few days have been filled with, really it's festivities. I think the spirit of people is celebratory. But at the same time also very focused. There were a number of different events in different parks throughout New York all weekend. And an action targeting Wall Street specifically and keeping our eyes on that issue and that question. And then ending with a beautiful massive assembly. And there were assemblies throughout the weekend.

LAURA FLANDERS: Arun, I was down there just briefly in the morning on the 17th and saw a whole lot of people milling around, but a whole lot more police. What did you see?

ARUN GUPTA: That's essentially what I saw as well. The police force has been absolutely massive. And I think that right there says that Occupy is a threat, that the police will turn out thousands of officers literally. They will barricade all of the financial district. But there were all these crisscrossing marches going through the financial district, going around it, police chasing it.

It was just a really wonderful creative energy. I've been a little cynical, a little skeptical, but there was this feeling that the spirit was back. There was all sorts of art and music. And it really was the closest thing to the original feeling of Occupy.

LAURA FLANDERS: But I mean, Occupy Wall Street got a drubbing in a lot of the press on the anniversary. You had New York Times talking about a "fad" and, you know, "talk is cheap." How do you respond to that, Marina?

MARINA SITRIN: Well, I could say a lot of things about shoddy journalism, because it actually really is. That Occupy Wall Street, you know, by November, was no longer focused just in one park or one plaza, whether that's in New York or cities and towns and villages across the United States. And people are working on campaigns and organizing in their neighborhoods and in their universities and related to work places.

So to find out what Occupy is doing, you'd actually have to dig a little deeper and see that Occupy has kind of re-territorialized itself. And the politics and the ways in which people are organizing is still there, you just have to look for it. But I actually think it's deeper than where we were at this time last year.

LAURA FLANDERS: Well, you went looking, Arun. You've been pretty much all across the United States, I think, since the last time I saw you.

ARUN GUPTA: Yeah.

LAURA FLANDERS: What'd you find?

ARUN GUPTA: I've been to 40 occupations in 27 states. But I think one thing just about the media is we have to remember this is the media of the 1%. This is the media that got weapons of mass destruction in Iraq wrong. This is the media that got the housing bubble wrong. This is the media that did not see this huge economic crisis--

LAURA FLANDERS: So you mean they got--

ARUN GUPTA: --coming.

LAURA FLANDERS: --a war wrong. They might be getting a revolution wrong?

ARUN GUPTA: I wouldn't call it a revolution, but it is very-- it's not an easy thing to grasp in our society. We look for these top-down answers, the great man coming in and solving all our problems for us. This is very much a bottom up and a horizontal solution.

LAURA FLANDERS: So what did you see as you were traveling?

ARUN GUPTA: What I saw was really the spaces where people were able to come together. That's what Occupy really did is it created the public space. It's something that is completely missing in our society. The only public spaces we have are you go to the sports game, you go shopping, you go to theater, you go to a bar or restaurant. It's all about consumption.

Occupy put the public space back in society. And it recreated the public so that people could come into these spaces and say, like, "Hey, I'm unemployed and can't find a job. Person next to me, their home is in foreclosure. This other person, they have this huge student debt. Someone else, they lack health care." And they see their problems as all the same, because the culprit is all the same, Wall Street.

LAURA FLANDERS: But I expected to see some very public discussion a year on about just what Occupy showed, that the police could literally shut down that public space when they felt like it and how little of it we actually have.

MARINA SITRIN: Right, and they can, as far as the central park/plaza, that kind of thing. But then there are so many assemblies that are taking place in neighborhoods, or the power of the 99% as a slogan. But it's not just a slogan. It's really empowering for people. So to talk to people, you know, where in the past, to be unemployed, to be in foreclosure was something you kept secret. It was something to be ashamed of. I mean, people have been committing suicide because of the situation.

And the power of Occupy and the slogan is to say, "Well, wait a minute. I'm the 99%. I'm the majority. I can feel empowered. And not only feel empowered, but then in these spaces of, you know, where democracy's being recreated, where people talk to each other, hear each other, and then say, "Well, neighbor, could you help me?"

And then taking direct actions together with each other, defending each other's homes, not going so similar also to the politics of Occupy. It's not going to institutional power or lobbying and saying, "Please don't evict me." But saying, "We're just gonna prevent the evictions."

LAURA FLANDERS: Part of it was clearly about building relationships. What about some of those institutional relationships we saw early on with labor, for example?

ARUN GUPTA: Well, I mean, that's kind of the big question. And I understand what you're getting at, in terms of strategy. And it is one thing I've been critical of. What is the strategic direction of Occupy? And so there's a lot of people, "Well, Occupy should be a political party. Occupy needs to be pushing for various sorts of legislation, you know? Or is Occupy trying to, you know, recreate a different type of economy."

And there was, in terms of labor, there was a lot of great working relationships, a lot of labor unions came in with material support for Occupy movements across the country. And Occupy has also lifted all organizing boats. So we saw that in New York City, for example, the Occupy movement helped Teamsters win a better contract with Sotheby's. They helped these fast food workers at Hot and Crusty unionize, which is remarkable that you have fast food workers who unionized.

LAURA FLANDERS: And just to elaborate for people a little bit of how that happened. I mean, there were some really extraordinary scenes around Hot and Crusty, the bakery chain that was in the process of trying to unionize, or Sotheby's, the art auction house where occupiers stood up in the middle of the proceedings. Because I think if you didn't see it, you don't know what you mean exactly.

ARUN GUPTA: Part of the problem, labor has been so hemmed in, corporations have it down to a science, how to game organizing movements. And so at this point labor very rarely even undertakes an organizing campaign. Because corporations will just fire organizers. They bring in these union-busting law firms. Even if they do win, they'll tie things up in court forever. Now one of the things that has hemmed labor in is you can't have secondary strikes. But you can bring other people to the picket line. And that's what Occupy has done. It's bolstered the picket line by bringing all sorts of other people there.

LAURA FLANDERS: And not just the picket lines, Sotheby's. There were quite some scenes.

MARINA SITRIN: Well, Sotheby's and Hot and Crusty. And the way in which that was happening. I think it's also really important that a lot of these relationships were workers who went to Occupy when it was still in Zuccotti Park or in other cities, actually went to the plazas, met other people, saw the democratic forum and thought, "Huh, this looks good. And can you help us?" So it wasn't the union going to some kind of institutional Occupy. It was workers going and meeting other people, organizing, and then people from Occupy saying, "Okay, we'll help--"

LAURA FLANDERS: Let's go back to some of the criticism. I mean, there is a reason that people are frustrated and that they say, "We've got 50 or so days before an election. You have a moment of focus on organizing and what's wrong in this country. And yet the occupiers don't seem to be applying themselves to this political process at all."

MARINA SITRIN: But yet, the process is responding to Occupy. So Occupy doesn’t look towards building a political party to change institutional politics, at that level. But at the same time, the discussion of inequality, class, 99%, not that the Democrats get it right at all, but that it is actually a part of the conversation. And on the question of success, where I agree with you absolutely as far as movements and how long it takes for movements, but to think in one year how the conversation has changed as far as there's a crisis, who's to blame?

LAURA FLANDERS: But is talk, as somebody said today, "talk is cheap." Is simply talking about it enough? What would be so bad about getting co-opted by some party with some power?

ARUN GUPTA: Well, the problem is what they do with that power. We have to remember that Occupy is very much a creature of the Obama years. It came three years into his administration. And here was a guy who was supposed to clean up the mess on Wall Street, who was supposed to change the tone and nature of Washington. And in many ways, it's basically the third Bush administration, not one Wall Street executive has been prosecuted. Meanwhile, during the Savings and Loan scandal, which is puny compared to what Wall Street did in the last few years, over a thousand executives were convicted of felonies.

LAURA FLANDERS: Well, a lot of people would say that's an indictment in Occupy, in a sense, in that that was some of the status quo that the movement was intending or hoping to change.

MARINA SITRIN: But I think there's also a different measure. And it's not to have a different conversation, but the tens or hundreds of thousands of people who participated in their towns and villages and feel different because of it and feel empowered so that maybe they helped their neighbor stay in their house. But tomorrow what might they do?

That people feel like they actually can be agents and actors and subjects in their life where they couldn't before. And that's not so measurable. So it's hard to have that conversation in the same way you would have a conversation about, you know, how do you measure a political party.

ARUN GUPTA: Well, let me give another example. So okay, President Obama, who came in saying, you know, the oceans were going to stop rising and the planet was gonna start healing. Basically, we are going to address the greatest crisis humanity has known, climate change. If you look at his speech in Charlotte, he was "drill, baby, drill." We're opening millions of new acres to oil and gas extraction.

LAURA FLANDERS: So this is an argument for what? I mean, the Republican Party got driven into some of the positions espoused by the Tea Party. It sounds like Occupy hasn't done anything to--

ARUN GUPTA: Well, what Occupy is doing, though, if you look on the ground, and the media has never really been interested in grassroots organizing. They've never been interested in social change. But if you go out there and see what's happening, there's all this great organizing against natural gas fracking, which is incredibly destructive. Of course, Obama is endorsing it, when he said, "We're gonna create 600,000 new jobs in natural gas." There's all this organizing against tar sands, oil extraction, and the pipelines. There's been this great movement in West Virginia and Appalachia against mountaintop coal removal that has really been strengthened and broadened by the Occupy movement.

LAURA FLANDERS: Is it too soon to assess Occupy Wall Street in the sense that there are some initiatives coming out of what happened a year ago that don't sound all that unlike what you're describing. They're just not here yet. Co-ops, bank initiatives, a strike campaign around student debt.

ARUN GUPTA: These movements take a long time. We have to remember there's nearly ten years between the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the March on Washington. Labor organizing during the 1930s was going on for about seven or eight years before we saw the wave of sit down strikes really result in mass unionization and the passage of the National Labor Relations Act. So these things do not happen overnight.

LAURA FLANDERS: But the changes that came out of the Civil Rights Movement came from within the system, the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act. The Occupy movement as you've described it, is opposed to working inside the system.

ARUN GUPTA: Well, yeah, I mean, there is this fundamental contradiction. The idea of reform is based on the notion the system is fundamentally sound. And all we do need to do is change these aspects of it and to create a better democracy, to create a better society, and everything is going to be peachy keen.

And there are people who are saying, like, "No, we need an entirely new system." And that's not to say, for instance, that "Hey, wouldn't universal health care be great? Wouldn't it be great to make labor organizing easier, should we really try to be doing something to mitigate climate change?" But nonetheless, the question is, "Can the system be saved?" And there are a lot of people in Occupy affiliated with it who are saying, "No, we need a fundamentally different type of society." And a lot of them look to capitalism as the problem, that we need more of a cooperative economy.

LAURA FLANDERS: But the question is how do you get from here to there?

ARUN GUPTA: There no roadmap. If there was, you know, we'd be on it. And I think, also let's not forget with the Civil Rights Movement is the Civil Rights leadership realized that they only got the pro-forma changes, the political changes. And that what really needed to be addressed was the economic apartheid that Black Americans had lived under for a century after slavery. And we still don't have that. And we really do live in an apartheid economy in this country. The indices are really devastating for the African American and Latino communities.

LAURA FLANDERS: Well, that goes to the question of is Occupy really only a year old?

MARINA SITRIN: Well, it depends where you want to locate it and how.

Even in the early assemblies we had in August, for example, there were people there from Spain and Greece. And we were learning directly from those experiences, which came before Occupy.

I think in the last few years, you can definitely date it. But then also in Latin America in the last 15 years you could go back to the Zapatistas in 1994 or Argentina in 2001.

In Argentina, you also see something very similar that started in 2001 with an economic crisis and people, you know, with a slogan of “Que Se Vayan Todos!” that they all must go. People formed neighborhood assemblies.

And it's actually where the word horizontalidad, "horizontalism" emerged, is in Argentina, in that time, people just saying, "We want to relate horizontally. We don't want someone telling us what to do. We're gonna talk to each other and figure out how we're gonna do it. Whether it's neighborhood assemblies, unemployed neighborhoods, and in the workplaces." And that's something that continues in Argentina.

LAURA FLANDERS: You've been pretty critical of "horizontalism." Although you may not have used that word, per se. You've asked, "Where are the leaders?"

ARUN GUPTA: Yeah, I think any movement needs leaders. One of the great lessons of the '60s is the “Tyranny of Structurelessness”. And I've seen it plenty in the Occupy movement throughout the country. If you don't have a structure, basically, you will still have leaders, but they're unaccountable. And often you'll have leaders who are engaging in bad behaviors and I don't think we can ignore it.

LAURA FLANDERS: So better to have accountable leadership that you know who they are

ARUN GUPTA: Accountable, transparent and from the bottom up, instead of the top down. But I think there does need to be leaders, because there are leaders.

MARINA SITRIN: I think there are leaders. I don't think it's mutually exclusive. Structure, absolutely, to have horizontal social relationships and spaces, you absolutely have to have structure. And I think there are leaders. And I think there needs to be accountability. And how do we have that conversation? I think it's not from the bottom up. The Zapatistas talk about "from below and to the left,” where the heart resides. And so kind of it's that horizontal image, but with structure and organization.

There's 350 workplaces, for example, in Argentina that workers run, horizontally. And some of them are massive workplaces. And there's incredible structure. But they're run with assemblies. And they use the language of "horizontal organizing and direct democracy." So they're not mutually exclusive.

LAURA FLANDERS: Concretely, how might it have changed things? I mean, one of the criticisms of Occupy was this huge variety of tactics. And everybody's allowed to do basically whatever they want. I mean, carry whatever slogan they want I mean, in Oakland, one of the criticisms from people within the movement was that this sort of anarchy allowed certain people to really alienate the movement's relationship from its neighbors, from the people in that community.

ARUN GUPTA: I think that's a legitimate criticism. I think it's called "the diversity of tactics." And there are people who advocate for the ability to, as one person called it "smashy-smashy." To break property like windows. And they're very clear, "We're never gonna commit violence against another person." But I think it's juvenile. And it's problematic, because you're saying that this is democracy. But you're going against the will of everybody else.

So it's fundamentally undemocratic, if you're just, like, this small group who is not accountable is going to do whatever it wants to do. And so the movement really needs to grapple with that.

LAURA FLANDERS: Should Occupy have had the oomph to exclude people from Zuccotti Park, to expel people after they've done certain sorts of things?

MARINA SITRIN: Well, I was a part of the legal team from the beginning in Zuccotti. And from the legal team, we broke into a mediation team. And we were creating alternative kinds of adjudicational forms. So what we were hoping to do beyond mediation was actually look to a form of circle justice that would possibly go there, if it needed to. So yeah, absolutely, that if we don't take seriously protecting ourselves and each other and have rules and accountability to each other than we're really not creating that new society that we're talking about. And so those conversations were taking place, the eviction happened within a few months. We didn't actually fully develop that alternative adjudication, but people were seriously working on it. Yeah.

ARUN GUPTA: Yeah, I mean look, I've been an advocate of that. I think there were individuals who were very disruptive and really damaged the movement. And the thing is you can't have a community unless you define who's outside of that community. That's why we have “We are the 99%,” that is the legitimate people. The 1% is the illegitimate people.

Now these things can, you know, there's a double-edged sword. Because once you start to exclude people, then, you know, you can lead to purges, right? So it's a difficult question, but it does have to deal with these decisions. We saw this across the country. Some Occupy movements did end up coming to, creating these enforcement mechanisms to ban people. So I think that is a necessary thing.

LAURA FLANDERS: So where do we go from here? I mean, it's a cliché in election years to say, "Are we better off than we were a year ago?" In terms of Occupy, are we better off as people hoping for progress in this country than we were a year and a month ago before, in August of '11, Marina?

MARINA SITRIN: Absolutely. In August, were people talking about the 1% or talking about whether you want to call it class, whatever you want to call it, power? But who made this crisis was not a part of the conversation. That people organized could change things was no longer a part of the conversation. Democracy is now a question. "What does that mean?"

Yes, we can't allow the right to come in. But is it actually democracy if Obama's in power and does whatever he wants anyway and ignores what people say? So that that's a question and that people are organizing around it and continue to organize in their neighborhoods and schools I think is phenomenal. It's a huge difference.

LAURA FLANDERS: Arun, are you expecting something dramatic in the next year, year and a half?

ARUN GUPTA: Occupy, part of the reason it succeeded was there were no expectations whatsoever. And we live in an era where we have these surprising social outbursts. No one expected the Arab Spring. No one expected what happened in Wisconsin in February 2011. No one expected Occupy to succeed the way it did succeed.

So I don't think we can predict what is going to happen. I think there's certain paths it needs to take. And labor is absolutely fundamental, because that's who's been decimated. That's who has real power. It is still the workers who have real power. And Occupy has to figure out how it can create some real cross-organizing and strength in labor movements, especially independent labor movements that aren't part of the sold-out union bureaucracy that's in the pocket of the Democratic Party.

LAURA FLANDERS: Marina Sitrin, Arun Gupta, thanks so much for joining us.

ARUN GUPTA: Thank you.

Arun Gupta and Marina Sitrin on Occupy’s Anniversary

September 19, 2012

On the first anniversary of Occupy Wall Street, GRITtv host Laura Flanders talks to journalist Arun Gupta and organizer Marina Sitrin about the movement’s impact and future role in American life and politics.

“Occupy has lifted all organizing boats,” says Gupta. “We saw that in New York City, for example, the Occupy movement helped Teamsters win a better contract with Sotheby’s… They [also] helped fast food workers at Hot & Crusty unionize, which is remarkable that you have fast food workers who unionized.”

Sitrin describes renewed momentum in terms of the personal self-esteem of the 99%. “In the past, to be unemployed, to be in foreclosure was something you kept secret. It was something to be ashamed of,” Sitrin told Flanders. “The power of Occupy and the slogan is to say, ‘Well, wait a minute. I’m the 99%. I’m the majority. I can feel empowered.’”

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  • Lewis Ward

    Excellent discussion and Marina Sitlin (OWS legal defense) presented the work of occupy admirably.

  • Anonymous

    Good discussion despite the tedious questions.

  • Anonymous

    Violent tactics are against the decisions of Occupy GAs and so cannot be discussed as reflective of the movement regardless of what any one individual does at an Occupy event.

  • http://www.facebook.com/cari.machet Cari Machet

    that the camp was evacuated is no reason why the legal group stopped working – i and many many others are still working without a camp – also how is it that we protested at sotheby’s after we had no camp and had success? – why did the legal group really stop this extremely important work as your answer does not ad up?

    also the people we worked with at sotheby’s were us – they were/are part of occupy
    and arun please explain how it is not a “revolution” if occupy has claimed autonomy from the state in the declaration and stated there has to be system change? please tell me what it is if it is not a revolution – cause it is not reform?
    and i will call on you the next time i do an action against a supposed leader of occupy – to try and hold them accountable – and see if you will back my efforts
    last thing regarding leaders are either of you in any functioning working groups right now that function in a directly democratic manner?

  • JonThomas

    There was a missed point.

    Laura Flanders was trying to have the guests comment on the failure or success of Occupy by comparing it to, and measuring it against the Tea Party.

    Yes, both can be said to be grassroots efforts but there is a huge distinction.

    While the Tea Party is, in many respects, a party of it’s own, it has never been seen as completely distinguished in funding or ideals from the Republican Party. This relationship has allowed the leadership of the Republican Party to co-opt the members of the Tea Party. It isn’t even seen as a co-opting because they have never been seen or showed to be separate.

    For example…the Tea Party membership is rightly expected to vote Republican in the presidential race. This is not contested because of it’s obviousness.

    The Occupy movement, regardless of the attempts by the media, and many people in the Democratic Party to bring in, or link the the Occupiers with the Democratic Party, it stands on it’s own because it is not, and never has been, an outgrowth of the Democratic Party.

    Yes, some people who identify with Occupy are Democrats, the movement itself is/was not funded by or assigned with the Democratic Party.

    Any measure of success, by a comparison between the Tea Party and Occupy, which does not take this understanding into account, misses the point and risks being seen as an attempt to co-opt, or at the very least, draw a link between Occupy and the Democratic Party.

    Occupy is it’s own. The Democratic Party does not stand for the same things as Occupy, and is in fact funded by much of Wall St. itself! The very entity that Occupy stood against!

  • Anonymous

    The comparison between the Tea Party and Occupy is tiresome. One group largely identifies with those who already have enormous power, is completely hierarchical in its organization, and aligns itself with a major party, while the other is quite the opposite. Does L. Flanders have a clue? Did she really think any movement could bring Wall St to
    heel in just a year—especially when its encampments were crushed? For better or worse, Wall Street is likely to destroy itself before any opposing force brings it down. It’s
    shown its own self destructive tendencies–the
    short-term-gain-trumps-all-other-considerations model. Let’s hope it
    doesn’t destroy all life on this planet before it gives birth to something better. Occupy has
    the massive job of raising awareness that all grievances are indeed
    connected at the root, working with people to ameliorate things in the short term, while laying the foundations for a more sustainable, just,
    democratic and inclusive mode of economic organization so that we don’t
    find ourselves in a complete police state when the inevitable happens. This economy is not sustainable in any sense. Many on Wall St already know it.

  • http://twitter.com/Kissthiz Me Me

    Maybe one day I’ll live on the sidewalk in front of the White House and occupy my nation house or prove domestic terrorism…….

  • http://twitter.com/Kissthiz Me Me

    Btw; I had the horrible realization that the wicked crooks turned capitalism upside down like satanists do to the cross with JESUS on it. The more they sell the higher the price they charge for it. It was OPPOSITE in the days that made this country great.

  • Roz Omid

    Happy Birthday Occupy Wall
    Street

    First time I saw your faces was at a
    photo exhibit in Tehran in October or November of 2011. You were
    handcuffed. You weren’t violent and you sure weren’t silent and
    expressionless. You were in pain and shouting as you were being
    dragged on the pavement by the police. You were resisting injustice
    and the police were paid to serve justice.

    I didn’t get a sense that by occupy you
    meant to take over what was not yours. It was to occupy what was
    vacant and desired to be occupied. You were reaching for what
    desired to give. Everything in creation by it’s very nature wants to
    reach to all and give to all including wealth. Occupy Wall Street
    was not destruction, not violence, not force, not oppression. It was
    facing fear as you voiced your opinion in relation to oppression.

    When I came back to the States I saw
    you on the Internet being interviewed in the park and on the streets.
    You talked about your job and your new art projects. You told your
    stories of growth and change.

    You are my heroines and my heroes. You
    stood up for me. You faced your fears and you showed others how to
    face their fears. You began to notice in whom the oppression was
    most active and alive even within your own community. You even
    looked into your own mind and soul to identify the oppressor within.

    Some of you are college educated like
    me who tries to make ends meet month to month. The American dream of
    home ownership is dead to him as he makes it through the years the
    best he can.

    Thank you for standing up for yourself
    and in turn standing up for me and people like me. Thank you for
    going out there and crossing the line, facing the pain and give
    voice, if not to the 99% then at least to the 47%.

    While doing all this some of you might
    be writing or talking about the core reason that the 1% was created
    in the first place but I don’t hear it. I don’t hear the fundamental
    cause of this imbalance of power and wealth. It certainly isn’t
    Democrats vs. Republicans or even the Green party vs. Independent.

    One commentator on TV says that there
    are no leaders in the occupy movement and the other commentator says
    there are always leaders and they should be identified and be
    accountable. I am weary of the latter because this group of
    thinkers, knowingly or not, want faces and people they can call
    leaders to perpetuate the system that created slavery in America,
    cast system in India and the modern day 1% in America. My question
    to this group is this: did leadership mentality came to human
    consciousness first or was it slavery that came first?

    I haven’t noticed leaders in the occupy
    movement and I don’t believe there is a need for leaders for any
    healthy system that can replace our broken “democratic system.”
    The system that created the leadership mentality is the system that
    created the 1% leaders who have the wealth and power.

    The occupy movement is not about
    confronting the bully and making him pay. It is not even about
    trying to make the bully understand that there is a better way to
    live for him too. It is about the development and evolution of our
    own individual and community intelligence and creative ways of
    expression.

    We need to understand how and why a
    pattern repeats itself in different variations that creates this 1%
    aristocracy that doesn’t even fully enjoys life. This pattern was in
    Egypt 4000 years ago and the 1% were called Pharaohs with their
    families and friends, there was also the Greeks, Persians, Romans,
    Japaneses, Genghis Khan, the British Empire and you name it. They
    all had their elite on top who were given or took most of the power.
    The French monarchy and the 1% nobility were crushed by the hungry
    and angry mobs over two hundred years ago.

    Yet the 1% is back in full power with a
    different name (“free market capitalism” or whatever they would
    like to call themselves) and they have the same top-down or bottom-up
    system of command and obedience plus, a well feed, sheltered and
    vacationed police force to protect them from angry mobs. But there
    really aren’t angry mobs any more. There are intelligent, creative,
    and artistic individuals and communities of people developing and
    evolving their relation to the society and nature.

    rozomid.com @rozomid

  • http://www.facebook.com/litlgrey Carl Howard

    I have a question.
    I understand the reticence of Occupy to coordinate with Organized Labor, based upon the frequent cozy history of collaboration between Union leadership and the very corporate overlords who scheme to cut their throats and collect the blood just to sell it on the black markets (yes, hyperbole, shut up)… but has Occupy reached out to Worker Cooperatives, such as the one which successfully took over Republic Windows and Doors in Chicago?
    I ask this question because I have not seen any reportage to indicate that it has, and yet it seems to me to be a critical step in any real, ground level, resurgence of the united power of working men and women in America.
    I invite anyone with background on this information to answer.

  • jan

    Actually, when I listen to the Tea Party I hear the Libertarian Party talking which is why I tend to think the Tea Party is basically some PR firm’s invention.

  • http://www.facebook.com/tom.caracciolo.98 Tom Caracciolo

    Dear Laura Flanders: Please, please get the following message to Arun Gupta and Marina Sitrin:
    All involved in the Occupy Movement please understand that you do not hold the key that unlocks the door to our US Congress. Only our big corporations have the key. You can easily, and with a minimum of effort, take the key away from the corporations and cause all members of Congress to respond to you instead of the corporations. All of you please click on or copy into your browser this link: http://signon.org/sign/take-money-out-of-politics and sign the petition. If all or at least most of our courageous Occupiers sign the petition it will force our US Congress to pay serious attention to it. At that point, when the petition is before Congress, is the time to assemble a massive march in D.C. with one single demand. Voices and banners demanding something like “DEMOCRACY IN – MONEY OUT”. What is crucial here is for a great mass of people all simultaneously pursuing one single change. A single change that when implemented by the Amendment to our Constitution immediately and completely removes corporations’ power to influence and control our elected representatives in Congress and returns our government of the people by the people and for the people. Again, to sign the petition click on or copy and paste into your browser: http://signon.org/sign/take-money-out-of-politics

  • TC109

    The 9/11 crashes targeted Wall St. in a violent insanity.
    The Housing crash and the sellout of our middle class
    worldwide in insane logic makes this attack justified.
    The hubris of the bonus banksters is well documented. How can there be bailout limits on GM union workers pay etc. and no limits on Big Bank TARP beneficiaries?
    How can you sell Countrywide stock worth $500M and get fined $22M before the stock tanks?
    The country is in re-fi frenzy.
    How do 6 people of Wal-mart fortune have more net worth than more than 30% of our population and their employees collect food stamps to supplement income? Don’t get sick?
    Can we afford to have the election buyers in charge of our children in the military? Been there done that. WMD

  • Berkeley

    Laura Flanders does a great, great interview. She is incisive and interesting. Thanks for having her handle this important issue.